ON March 4, 1980, a palpable excitement and belief that prosperity, freedom and opportunity were upon the masses filled a soon-to-be-born Zimbabwe. The war was over. The nation was pregnant with hope. The liberators’ demand for “one man, one vote” had secured a historic election victory for the black majority.

In an eloquent address that captured the hearts and minds of the nation, Robert Mugabe assured Zimbabweans that his government would strive to bring meaningful change to their lives. A commitment was made to govern through adherence to constitutionalism, respect for fundamental rights and prioritizing the national interest over strictly party considerations. In that booming Mugabe voice, Zimbabweans were called on to join hands in a new amity and work to reconstruct and rehabilitate society while reinvigorating the economic machinery.

Four and a half decades later, that promise has been shattered. That inspirational eloquence has been traded for violence. The commitment to liberation, freedom and prosperity for everyone suffered a devastating stillbirth. The deep aspirations held at Independence now ring hollow for the ordinary Zimbabwean. Our freedom fighters have re-directed their guns and are now fighting our freedom.

The promise of “one person, one vote” has been replaced by a cycle of disputed, often violent elections. Those who demand of the government today – exactly what the liberation movement demanded from the colonial government in 1980 are silenced, persecuted or jailed by our claimed liberators, using the same tactics, jails and laws of the colonial government we thought we had been liberated from.

The promise to bring meaningful change to people’s lives has been replaced by 49 percent extreme poverty, over 80 percent unemployment and record-breaking hyperinflation. The promise to respect the rule of law and constitutional order has been replaced by rule by decree and naked violations of the Constitution to entrench the liberation movement’s stranglehold on power.

A genocide, a coup and three economic crashes later, the hope of Zimbabweans has turned to despair. The broken electoral system is in urgent need of reform to ensure fairness and credibility. The nation needs a new liberation.

Since 2002, Zimbabwe has been locked in election mode. The government has become consumed with clinging onto power at the expense of governing and taking care of the welfare of the people. When it comes to the conduct of elections, Zimbabwe is a good example of a bad example. Last August, SADC and all observer missions agreed that the 2023 Zimbabwean election fell below Zimbabwe’s own constitutional standard and international best practice, which is diplomatic speak for ‘rigging on an embarrassing scale.’

With the hangover of the shambolic 2023 general election and the subsequent dismembering of Parliament lingering in the air, Zimbabweans watched the 29 May general elections in South Africa with keen interest.

Whether one likes it or not, South Africa is that ‘close cousin’ of Zimbabwe. He is the first to be called when there is trouble in the Zimbabwean homestead. He comes promptly – even if it is to utter in the midst of a crisis that ‘there is no crisis.’ He shares our history of white minority rule as well as the socio-economic and political consequences of it. He is where Zimbabweans are forced to migrate to when socio-economic or political tragedy strikes. Artificial borders mean that vast sections of our respective peoples share language, identity and heritage. Even when nobody else is ‘coming to the party’ or inauguration, he is there. Sometimes, family relationships are fraught but they exist nonetheless.

As we watched our close cousin vote after 30 years of democracy and universal suffrage, what resonated the most with Zimbabweans was the deep-seated frustration of South Africans with a government led by a liberation movement that has failed to deliver on the promise of liberation and prosperity.

Both Zanu PF and the ANC have failed to deliver basic services like jobs, electricity and shared economic prosperity for the masses. Linked to this is extreme concern with rampant corruption and elite state capture. Zimbabwe loses almost US$2 billion to corruption and illicit financial flows. Similarly, the scourge of corruption has eaten away at public funds and resources as found by the ‘Zondo Commission’ which investigated allegations of state capture, corruption, and fraud in the public sector in South Africa and made damning findings that impugned political elites at the highest level.

However, there were many silver linings that mean South Africa is in a prime position to course correct and avoid some of the deep pitfalls that have befallen Zimbabwe.

Firstly, South Africa has generally maintained strong institutions that insulate it against the shocks of political upheaval. The judiciary, the police service and the Electoral Commission of South Africa remain credible, independent institutions that offer an adequate platform for conflict resolution, the enforcement of rights and respect for constitutionalism. Citizens trust state institutions and this bodes well for stability and accountability. There are no statements by politicians that “they are the army and they are everything.” There is a discernible separation between state and party.

Secondly, there is respect for multi-party parliamentary democracy. Opposition politics is not criminalized. Political parties are allowed to organize, assemble and campaign without being banned by the police. Parliament is a true battleground for electoral contestation and policy formulation, often on a cross-party basis. The President attends Parliament to ask questions, a basic feature of public accountability. Politics is about winning hearts and minds as opposed to a game of banditry, political arrests and running battles with riot police.

Thirdly, political violence is not a mandatory feature of the political process. Standing for electoral office does not mean a danger to one’s life or liberty. Additionally, the electoral process has been modernized and technology has been used to ensure efficiency and minimize the opportunity for rigging.

Finally, there are no sacred cows. Liberation movements are subjected to the same political scrutiny and rules-based order as all other political movements. If they lose votes, that losing result is announced. No soldiers are rolled out to announce that they will not salute anyone who did not fight in the war. Power changes hands. The ANC is not shored up by the military or any other arm of the security forces.

There is every opportunity for South Africa to deepen their democracy and build a nation that works for the many and not the few. They are not beset by the rudiments of other African nations who have failed to ensure that election outcomes are a true reflection of the will of the people.

And yet, all is not last for Zimbabwe.

More heavy lifting is going to be required to set the nation back on the right path. All the ingredients of success exist in Zimbabwe. In more ways than one, Zimbabwe has succeeded before. But a hard reset is required.

There is a need to recommit to the entirety of that 1980 independence speech, including restoration of the rule of law and constitutionalism in all spheres of governance and political contestation, sincere respect for the will of the people and upholding the vote even if the outcome is against the old guard, and making politics about striving to deliver meaningful change for the people. Only a government that subjects itself to the rule of law has any moral right to demand its citizens’ obedience to the rule of law.

As they themselves said, surely this is the time to beat our swords into ploughshares so that we can attend to the problems of developing our economy and our society?

We need new leaders.

Fadzayi Mahere is a Zimbabwean lawyer and former MP